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Presentment Clause

Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the President of the United States: If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a Law. But in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House respectively.
article I
Section
7
Clause
2
Related Citations

Arguing that the text and structure of the Constitution, including the Presentment Clause, “establish that a bill is passed if and only if it receives a majority vote.”

Akhil Reed Amar, America’s Constitution: A Biography 143 (2012).

Noting that the veto was intended in part to provide the President with another tool for exercising power in foreign affairs.

Exploring origins of “Sundays excepted” and rejecting the “Christian nation” thesis in favor of deliberation and federalism purposes for enshrining Sunday exception.

Arguing that “[m]any other founding-era writings emphasized that by dividing the legislative power among independent bodies, bicameralism and presentment would make it more difficult for any group actuated by self-interest to capture the legislative process. And, quite apart from any concern with factions, some influential Founders understood bicameralism and presentment as a device to promote caution and deliberation in the lawmaking process—to restrain the momentary passions that sometimes infect the political system.”

Arguing that evidence of the original meaning of the clause does not indicate that “passed” is limited to majority votes (i.e., that Congress may impose supermajority voting rules, as long as those rules are themselves repealable by simple majority.

Michael B. Rappaport, Veto Burdens and the Line Item Veto Act, 91 Nw. U. L. Rev. 771 (1997).

Noting that the Framers included the presidential veto both to guard against legislative encroachment on executive power and to promote circumspect lawmaking, and arguing that Line Item Veto Act both unconstitutionally burdens the veto power and impermissibly delegates power to the President.

Michael B. Rappaport, The President’s Veto and the Constitution, 87 Nw. U. L. Rev. 735 (1993).

Arguing that “[t]he term ‘adjournment’ here should be understood to refer to all recesses, because both intersession and intrasession recess can interfere with the President’s constitutional right to take ten days to return a bill to Congress.”

Arguing that it is not clear from Founding era evidence whether or not the Framers would have approved of the line-item veto.

Contending that “[t]here is good historical evidence that the veto power of the Constitution as understood by its Eighteenth Century drafters and ratifiers includes what we now call a line-item veto.”

Thomas Stefan Schroeder, Original Understanding and Veto Power: Are the Framers Safe While Congress is in Session, J.L. & Pol. 757 (1990).

Arguing riders and multi-topic legislation are not embraced by the original understanding of “bill.”

Judith A. Best, The Line-Item Veto: Would The Founders Approve?, 14 Pres. Stud. Q. 183 (1984).

Arguing that, although the Framers did not consider the particular question of line-item vetoes, a broad construction of the Presentment Clause’s intended function supports their constitutionality as a check on legislative overreach.

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