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Electoral College

The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by Ballot for two Persons, of whom one at least shall not be an Inhabitant of the same State with themselves. And they shall make a List of all the Persons voted for, and of the Number of Votes for each; which List they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the Seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the Presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the Certificates, and the Votes shall then be counted. The Person having the greatest Number of Votes shall be the President, if such Number be a Majority of the whole Number of Electors appointed; and if there be more than one who have such Majority, and have an equal Number of Votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately chuse by Ballot one of them for President; and if no Person have a Majority, then from the five highest on the List the said House shall in like Manner chuse the President. But in chusing the President, the Votes shall be taken by States, the Representation from each State having one Vote; A quorum for this purpose shall consist of a Member or Members from two thirds of the States, and a Majority of all the States shall be necessary to a Choice. In every Case, after the Choice of the President, the Person having the greatest Number of Votes of the Electors shall be the Vice President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal Votes, the Senate shall chuse from them by Ballot the Vice President.
article II
Section
1
Clause
5
Related Citations

Robert J. Delahunty, Is the Uniform Faithful Presidential Electors Act Constitutional?, 2016 Cardozo L. Rev. de novo 165 (2016).

Assessing the constitutionality of the Uniform Faithful Presidential Electors Act to solve the problem of the “Faithless Elector” and concluding its attempt to eliminate elector discretion is unconstitutional.

Advocating for an impartial institution to adjudicate disputed elections after analyzing the Founders’ dilemma in confronting the 1792 dispute in the New York gubernatorial election between George Clinton and John Jay.

Lawrence B. Solum & Robert W. Bennett, A Dialogue on Originalism Occasioned by Bennet’s Electoral College Reform Ain’t Easy, 101 Nw. U. L. Rev. Colloquy 31 (2006).

Cataloguing the discussion between Professors Solum and Bennett surrounding how original meaning originalism affects modern interpretation of discretion held by electors.

Contrasting the actions of Adams and Jefferson as vice presidents in the electoral vote disputes of 1796 and 1800 to demonstrate historical discretion and its limits.

Arguing that the electoral college fails to uphold real federalist ideals because all states use popular voting and electors lack discretion.

Arguing the Electoral Count Act of 1887 is unconstitutional as beyond the power of Congress.

Beverly J. Ross & Wiliam Josephson, The Electoral College and the Popular Vote, 12 J.L. & Pol. 665 (1996).

Concluding that the Constitution permits electors to exercise discretion but that states should use their power to bind electors either directly or by authorizing, requiring, or permitting party pledges.

Arguing for extension of “one person, one vote” to the presidential elections process either through court challenge or constitutional amendment.

Tracing the evolution of congressional control over the counting of electoral votes up to the presidential election of 1924.

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